Sitaram Yechury
The long overdue general elections for a Constitutional National Assembly in Cambodia have finally concluded. Conducted and supervised by the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) through the week beginning 23rd of May, these elections saw a record turn-out of nearly 90 per cent. Such a massive turn-out, in the background of the attempts by the Khmer Rouge (genocidal Pol Pot’s political/military wing) to sabotage the elections and its call for boycott, clearly reflects the Cambodian people’s desire to restore peace and stability in the country after the ravages of genocide and civil war.
The results, however, did not give a clear majority to any single party. The pro-royalist party, Funcinpec, led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk was elected as the single largest party polling 45.3% of the vote and bagging 58 seats in the 120-strong National Assembly. The ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), headed by Hun Sun polled 38.5 per cent votes bagging 51 seats. The Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party (BLDP) headed by Son Sann, polled 4 per cent of the votes and bagged 10 seats. The one seat that was left went to one of the various other parties that contested these elections.
It was 14 years ago that the Vietnamese troops militarily intervened to remove the genocidal Pol Pot regime that butchered hundreds of thousands of Cambodians. Since then, Pol Pot loyalists continued to engage in sabotage and create conditions for a prolonged civil war. Finally, after years of agony, the people of Cambodia saw the possibilities of peace at the Paris talks that concluded in November, 1991. Under the Paris accord, the UN Security Council was to supervise the establishment of a four-faction combine transitional government headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. Under this agreement, an UNTAC was established to supervise and conduct the general elections.
All through this period, the Khmer Rouge refused to cooperate in any effort to establish peace in the country. On the contrary, they continued to conduct military operations and attacks. At the time of the recent elections, they are reportedly controlling 15 to 20 per cent of the country’s territory. This mainly is the area bordering Thailand. Their sustenance is based on the mineral riches of this area which included gem stone mines and one of the world best timber resources. Thailand’s military sources have all along seen this as a lucrative business transaction by allowing aid to the Khmer Rouge to pass through their territory.
Thus, the Khmer Rouge threat of boycotting the polls was initially taken seriously. But the Cambodian people’s aspirations, overwhelmingly dictated by the desire for peace, totally ignored this call. This forced the Khmer Rouge, midstream, to change its tactics and it asked its followers to vote for Funcinpec.
The results have internally triggered off, both celebrations and protest, from various quarters. The CPP has claimed irregularities in the counting process and has sought re-election in certain areas. One of prince Norodom Sihanouk’s two sons, (from different wives) prince Chakrapong, who is with the CPP, has openly called for the secession of those provinces where the CPP won a clear majority. Thus, setting in a motion a situation of grave uncertainty and possibilities of resumption of civil strife. The Khmer Rouge in the meanwhile has demanded the immediate transfer of power to the Funcinpec hoping to gain from its last minute support.
The results may appear strange since it was the CPP that had managed to restore a semblance of order in Cambodia and initiate the peace process. But, apart from the mistakes committed by the CPP in terms of political strategy during the elections and the bias of the UNTAC which obviously favoured the Funcinpec (specially in the field of propaganda. But to extend this bias to suggest irregularities in counting appear farfetched) the results indicate a very strong determination of the Cambodian people for establishing peace in the country. Vote for Funcinpec was a reflection of the hope that they will be able to deliver the goods, both in terms of controlling the internal situation of strife, given their links with the Khmer Rouge, and procure aid from the west for economic development. Readers will recall that a similar sentiment had led to the defeat of Sandinistas in Nicaragua, few years ago.
The demand of secession may spell disaster for Cambodia’s future, if it were to be seriously pursued. It may well be a ploy to strengthen the hands of CPP in order to affect a coalition government favourable to it. Even if this consideration prompted this demand, it is dangerous course.
Four distinct possibilities emerge regarding the nature of the future government in post-election Cambodia. First, a coalition of Funcinpec and the CPP with prince Norodom Sihanouk as the Prime Minister.
Second, a coalition of the Funcinpec and the BLDP, which together have a minority of votes but a majority of seats, with Sihanouk as the President and his son Ranariddh as the Prime Minister.
Third, a coalition of the above with Khmer Rouge. This would not only be anti-constitutional and illegitimate as the Khmer Rouge boycotted the elections and did not participate in the peace process but would also mean the creation of conditions for the resumption of civil war.
Finally, the possibility of the division of the country with the call for secession given by Prince Chakrapong. This however appears as a remote possibility given the latest stand of Hun Sun who has opposed recession.
Of these alternatives, the first appears to best reflect the aspirations of the Cambodian people in the present situation. But US imperialism and the West (except possibly for France) appear to prefer the second alternative in order to strengthen their hold over Cambodia in the future. The duplicity of US imperialism’s desire for peace in Cambodia is exposed by its advocacy of a coalition that is in conformity with its interests and not with that of the Cambodian people. Much, of course, depends on the ground realities and in the positions taken by various contending forces.
An important contribution to the process of peace for Cambodia may well come from the forthcoming international conference being held at Phnom Penh on the 17th and 18th of June. The conference is stated to be attended by all the signatories of the Paris peace accord that includes India apart from notably Japan, Indonesia and Australia. The conference is likely to re-examine the results of elections; discuss the future role of the UN in Cambodia; and work out an economic programme of aid for Cambodia.
As we go to the press, the situation continues to remain complex and uncertainty. Certain reports indicate that prince Chakrapong who advocated secession is aheading on his way fleeing to Vietnam. Vietnam in the meanwhile (which played crucial role in ending the genocidal terror regime of Pol Pot) has reaffirmed its consistent policy to “scrupulously observe the Paris agreement, fully respect Cambodia’s independence, sovereignty and the Cambodian people’s right to decide their own destiny”. The government of Socialist Republic Vietnam upholding the principle of peaceful co-existence and non-interference into each others internal affairs has expressed its willingness to recognise the new government in Cambodia to be elected by the National Assembly. Latest Reports indicate that the National Assembly under the chairmanship of prince Sihanouk has begun its sitting to draw up the Constitution within three months.